Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
Daniel Elazar Papers Index

American Political Culture

Frontiers and Foundings

The American Mosaic, Chapter 4

Daniel J. Elazar

The theory of the continuing frontier is what is known as a dynamic theory, that is to say, it is one that not only takes account of movement and change but which is based on movement and change as permanent realities. It is a theory that emphasizes action and interaction. In American history one of the major interactions was between frontiers and foundings. As Tocqueville noted, the manner of founding contributes much to shaping the patterns of later development.1

Part of the process of founding is the determination of the generational rhythm of the particular civil society, the way in which it is likely to respond to challenges, and the basic tensions around which it is constructed; that is to say, those great questions which must be reconciled in the process of founding but whose reconciliation is never entirely complete. Thus, great questions which reinforce each other and remain in tension with one another, need to be reconciled anew in each generation.

For example, American civil society was founded on the dual bases of liberty and equality. On one hand, the two go hand in hand, reinforcing each other, each making the other possible. On the other hand, at a certain point they also stand in tension with one another, when the liberty for everyone to make of himself what he wishes flies in the face of equality, while the press for equality may limit individual liberty. The tension between the two has been reconciled anew in every generation of American history. If frontiers bring new challenges to a civil society, its foundings strongly influence the character of the responses.

In this chapter we will review the founding of the United States from the first new settlement at Jamestown in 1607 through the War of 1812, often known as the second war of independence, which completed the separation of the United States from its European challengers and completed the founding work of the revolutionary and constitutional periods. We will do so by applying the generational model presented in Chapter Three.

The Seventeenth Century (1607-1713)

The five generations before 1789 were responsible for the founding of the thirteen original colonies and five other states-to-be, the creation of civil societies in all of them, the establishment of an American civilization, the forging of a national identity, and the winning of American independence. During the first three generations, the English established their presence in North America and began the process of becoming Americans. At first, the colonies proceeded to develop more or less separately. The fact that their development followed along the same generational patterns, even to the point of adjusting to a common time-span, reflects the universal character of the generational flow. By the beginning of the third generation, a common generational pattern of events was beginning to emerge, though still with substantial local variations. The transfer to the generational pattern from England to America and the movement from locally discreet to increasingly continental patterns are the subjects of this chapter.

The First Generation (1607-1648)

The first generation of American history was marked by the founding of Virginia, New York and Massachusetts, the three "mother" colonies of the original three sections of the United States, the colonies that created the country's three basic cultural patterns. Though Virginia, founded considerably before the others in 1607, reached its years of political response at a time when the other colonies were still in the first stages of founding, by the end of the generation, the alignment of events was becoming clear for all three.

A. Principal Political Patterns and Events:

Virginia's pattern was indeed the most orthodox since the bulk of its founders were young men at the beginning of their mature years.2 From 1607 through 1609, they underwent the trials of the founding then settled into a nine-year period of generational buildup in the area between the James and York rivers in which they became entrenched in the land and developed demands for self-government and economic growth. These demands were met during the years of political response from 1619 through 1624 beginning with the establishment of representative institutions and culminating in Virginia's becoming a colony. For the next twenty years, the colony consolidated itself and developed its institutions then in the years immediately following the Indian war of 1644, completed its generational cycle and turned toward the interior.

New York, or New Netherlands, followed a pattern nearly as straight forward.3 Beginning with a fort and trading post in 1613, the colony developed in a desultory fashion during eleven years of generational buildup. It took a giant step forward in 1624 with the purchase of Manhattan Island, the appointment of the first resident governor of stature and the intensification of colonization activities. The period of political response came to an end in 1629 with the introduction of the patroon system as the means of fostering permanent rural settlement. The colony then entered an eighteen year period of settlement and consolidation along the Hudson River from Staten Island to Albany which culminated in the appointment of Peter Stuyvesant as governor in 1647 and the introduction of an expansionist policy.

Massachusetts had something of a dual founding.4 The Plymouth colony established in 1620 followed the usual pattern of settlement but its influence was limited and it remained for the Massachusetts Bay colony of 1629 to found New England. The latter colony was founded at mid-generation by men in mid-career. It was itself a decisive political response to the struggles of the Puritans in England and consequently does not follow the orthodox generational pattern. Its leaders had generally been leaders of the Puritan movement in the old country who had come to despair of real success there and decided to build a new "city upon a hill" in the New World.

Because the colony itself was a decisive political response, it embarked immediately on a series of activities appropriate to that period with the generational cycle, establishing institutions and even daughter colonies (Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire) that reflected different versions of the new society the Puritans hoped to build. The decade from the founding in 1692 to the adoption of the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut in 1639 was one of decisive political response.5 It was followed by nine years of stabilization and consolidation, culminating in the New England colonies' response to the English Civil War, which led to a number of constitutional actions to ratify and institutionalize the gains of the Puritans' first generation in the new work and also brought their pattern into harmony with the overall generational movement.

B. Government and the Economy:6

The relationship between government and the economy was essentially the same in all three colonies. The notion of separation between the governing authorities and the economy in the contemporary sense did not exist. All three colonies were established under the aegis of trading companies that were government monopolies and which, in turn, were responsible for governing the settlers. At first, it was assumed that the colonists would not even pursue individual goals but would work collectively for their respective companies. This approach failed in all three cases during the founding period and was replaced during the generational buildup by progressively greater individualization of economic effort, though still under the relatively rigid control of the authorities. Moreover, a significant aspect of the years of political response was the struggle between the colonists and the mother company for the right of self-government. This right was substantially won in Virginia and Massachusetts during the first generation (Rhode Island and Connecticut, as offshoots of Massachusetts not beholden to a trading company, simply claimed it as their own). New York did not win that right until the British conquest a generation later.

When the governing powers were transferred to the colonists, the power of control over the economy was divided so that domestic economy was controlled locally while the imperial authorities assumed control over foreign and intra-imperial trade.

C. Principal Ethno-Religious Manifestations:7

Ethno-religious homogeneity was the goal of all three colonial establishments in the first generation and in all three it was maintained with great difficulty from the beginning. All three had established churches and had to combat dissenters. Virginia and Anglican, New York was Dutch Reformed and Massachusetts was Puritan (what later came to be known as Congregational). Nonconformers were expelled from the colonies whenever possible. At the very least, they were forced or encouraged to go out into the wilderness to establish their own settlements in which theirs would be the reigning orthodoxy. This was territorial democracy of the old kind in which territories stood for something but anyone could go out and create his own territorial community. Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire were all founded a cases in point.8 In this first generation the settlers in the various colonies were either of English or Dutch stock. Only scattered individuals from other ethnic or national groups could be found and they generally assimilated or left. The introduction of blacks was the beginning of significant ethno-racial pluralism in North America.9 The Indians were not only looked upon as separate nations but as potentially powerful antagonists since, throughout the first generations their numbers were no less than equal to those of the settlers, if not greater.10

The Second Generation (1648-1676)

Just as the events of the first generation revolved around foundings and were concluded by constitutional actions designed to institutionalize the progress made, the second generation was concerned with nativizing the colonies and transferring control over their domestic institutions from the Old World to the New. The impetus to do this stemmed in part from the simple fact that a native-born generation began to reach maturity, in part because the English Civil War eliminated or reduced the mother country's role in colonial affairs for the first half of the generation, and in part because the restoration of the throne in England was followed by the consolidation of English authority along the Atlantic coast between Canada and Florida.

A. Major Political Patterns and Events:

Given the equivocal position of Maryland, as a border colony exposed to Puritan and Cavalier influences even in the seventeenth century, the South continued to be essentially Virginia.11 Virginians began to filter into what was to become North Carolina in the 1650s, at the beginning of the generation and they were there in sufficient numbers to mount a rebellion against the Navigation Acts (Culpepper's Rebellion) that coincided with Bacon's Rebellion to close it, but it was not until the next generation that North Carolina required identity as an entity in its own right.

Virginia, itself, became virtually independent in the wake of the Civil War. Its leadership, consisting primarily of freeholders and merchants, refused to acknowledge the authority of the Commonwealth and the colony became a dominion, managing its own affairs until the Restoration in mid-generation (1660). Overall, the generation was dominated by the relations between autocratic Governor Berkeley, whose two terms (1641-52, 1660-77) virtually encompassed it, and the new native generation of Virginians who ultimately secured his removal in their struggle for self-rule.

The major political responses of the generation in Virginia revolved around the restoration of English authority through Berkeley and the Navigation Acts (which crippled the local economy) and the institutionalization of slavery which was made the permanent and irrevocable conditions of all blacks in the dominion in a series of acts during the 1660s. The culmination of the generation came in Bacon's Rebellion, the first major American challenge of British authority. Provoked by the impact of the Navigation Acts, Berkeley's autocratic rule, and Indian wars encouraged by the governor to prevent the expansion of the settlement, it marked a fitting completion to the task of the generation, namely the defining of separate American (or, more properly, Virginian) interests in contra-distinction to English ones.

New Netherlands - New York continued to be the sum of the Middle States in the second generation just as Virginia continued to be the sum of the South. In fact the first part of the generation (which effectively commenced when Peter Stuyvesant became governor and infused new energy into the colony) was devoted to Dutch efforts to use New Netherlands as a base to literally conquer the entire region. Between 1647 and 1655, the Dutch established their hegemony from Delaware to upper New York State, even threatening southern New England. As a result, the entire generation was taken up with the struggle between the Dutch and the English for regional control (1647-1774). In 1664, the tide turned against the Dutch who lost New Amsterdam and the Hudson Valley as well as the peripheral areas of their domain. The first was briefly reconquered in 1773, permanently ending the Dutch threat to conclude a generation of conflict.

Internally, the period of generational buildup saw New Amsterdam acquire municipal status and introduce the first rudimentary municipal services while the period of political response revolved around the English conquest and confirmation of the established constitutional arrangements, the major change brought by the English was to legitimize the ethnic and religious pluralism of the colony and particularly New York City which had already begun to develop under the reluctant Dutch. New York became a colony devoted to business and open to virtually all who were interested in pursuing the goals of commerce. Fittingly enough, the generation closed with the chartering of the first entirely American business corporation in 1675.

The peripheral regions of Stuyvesant's greater New Netherlands were given their own identity by the English in a second generation. New Jersey, a kind of no-mans-land for the first half of the generation, was anglicized between 1663 and 1666.12 Representative government was introduced in 1668 then, to conclude the generation, the territory was divided into East and West Jersey in 1676. Delaware, conquered in 1664, remained in political limbo until 1673 when the English legal system was introduced there and life was normalized as an English colony.13

New England was the only region that had spawned several colonies during the founding generation. Of the six states of contemporary New England, only Vermont was without any settlement in 1640. Ideological differences within the overall framework of Puritan theology and the use of the federal principles that formed the organizational basis of all Puritan settlements both functioned to encourage a proliferation of towns and the federation of like-minded town into colonies. In fact, by the end of the first generation, several of the independent towns and colonies had begun to experiment with regional or intercolonial confederation.14

The period of intra-colonial constitutional activity that marked the closing of the first generation also marked the opening of the second. It was followed by a period of generational buildup that saw the introduction of further federal experiments on the regional plane leading to the United Colonies of New England which functioned on and off during the generation plus further efforts to shape the internal structure of the individual colonies themselves. Massachusetts clarified its hegemony over New Hampshire (which would not become an independent colony until the next generation) and annexed Maine in 1652, (the latter act was legalized in 1677 at the very end of the generation when the colony formally bought the rights of the heirs of Sir Ferdinand Gorges, the founder of Maine's settlement).15 This process continued during the years of political response when Connecticut obtained a royal charter affirming its autonomy and added New Haven to round out its territory.

The New England colonies were highly sympathetic toward the Puritan victors in the English Civil War. At the same time, they welcomed the opportunity provided by the Commonwealth to assert their political equality with England and consequently became virtually independent between 1646 and 1660, at best with the acquiescence of the new power in England. It was during this period that the authorities in Massachusetts, beset by the arrival or emergence of various kinds of Puritan sectarians, particularly Baptists and Quakers, made their strongest efforts to enforce religious orthodoxy within the colony. Their failure was made complete when Charles II reestablished himself in the mother country, actively asserted his authority over the colonies, and decreed the end of persecution of heretics.

The struggle over orthodoxy during the period of generational buildup was a reflection of the great challenge of the second generation in New England. As the "saints" who pioneered the holy commonwealth during the first generation died or removed themselves from the active life of the community, their children grew up without the same intense religious commitment or with different religious ideas. Strictly speaking, this made them eligible for admission into the covenant that could make them citizens. They were thus relegated, with the real heretics, to the peripheries of Puritan society.

Once the Puritan leadership discovered that it could not suppress heresy or stimulate the same level of religious inspiration among the sons as among the fathers, they had to find a new way to bring men of good will into the community as citizens. This was the task of the period of generational buildup. It was accomplished in 1662 by the introduction of the half-way covenant, the great political response of the second generation, that provided citizenship in the political community for those otherwise qualified who were unable to become full-fledged Puritan "saints."16

In the years of political stability that persisted from the mid 1660s to the outbreak of King Phillip's War in 1676, the New England colonies expanded their settlements, accommodated their religious differences, developed their confederacy, and attempted to work out viable relations with royalist - and hence hostile- England. Those years came to an end with the outbreak of the great Indian war which introduced a new generation and a new set of problems on all fronts.

B. Government and the Economy:

The principal characteristic of the second generation was the growth of commerce as a factor in the colonial economies and increased influence of the commercial classes in political matters. Even agriculture began to take on a commercial caste with production for export as well as subsistence growing. In Virginia commercial agriculture, particularly tobacco culture, led to the foundation of plantations and the institutions of permanent impact in the next generation. In New York, agriculture was hardly a factor with commerce central to the colony's existence. In New England, the growth of freehold agriculture and growing commercial interests went hand in hand.

Government regulation of internal and external economic activities remained pronounced. Government monopolies continued to be common as were price controls. Mercantilism under the aegis of the mother country was further institutionalized.

C. Principal Ethno-Religious Manifestations:

The difficulties of maintaining orthodoxy were compounded in the second generation by the continued influx of non-conformists, sectarians and peoples of different ethnic and religious backgrounds throughout the colonies. Not only Protestants of every shade and Catholics came. At least two colonies had small Jewish communities by the end of the generation. grudging accommodation was the order of the day, a situation further complicated by the interest of the English Crown in promoting relative toleration for commercial reasons.17

While immigrants of English stock still predominated Dutch, Swedes and Scots began to appear as more than isolated individuals, not to mention the continued importation of blacks. The second generation witnessed an increase in conflict with the Indians as the settlers became more confidently aggressive and the Indians began to see that there was no place for their way of life in the new societies abuilding. The culminating events of that generation were major Indian wars from north to south in which the colonists won decisive victories that ended any serious Indian threats to the future of their colonies.

The Third Generation (1677-1713)

A. Major Political Patterns and Events:

The third generation, which closed out the seventeenth century, was marked by the emergence of new colonies in all three sections to virtually complete English settlement of the eastern seaboard.18 Whereas at the end of the second generation, only in New England had the settlers broken out of scattered coastal bridgeheads, by the end of the third generation, all but Georgia of the original thirteen colonies had no coastline at all. Moreover, while only New England had cross-colony interests at the outset of the third generation, by mid-generation such interest had been extended to embrace New York and New Jersey as well and by the end of the generation, Queen Anne's War was well-nigh universal in its impact to become the first "continental" issue to confront the colonies.

Several other phenomena new to the third generation had continental implications. The Huguenot migration after 1685 had its impact on all three sections.19 The "Glorious Revolution" of 1688 had continental repercussions and, indeed, triggered the generation's years of political response. In the north, Governor Andros was deposed and local self-government was restored. In the south, the aftermath of the deposing of the Stuarts led to constitutional changes in Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas. King William's War which began in 1689, and continued until 1697 was the first of the French and Indian Wars, which involved the entire continent to a greater or lesser degree.

Last, but hardly least, efforts were made throughout the entire generation to impose Anglicanism as the established church from Maine to South Carolina. Wherever these efforts came up against other established patterns of church-state relations, they were soundly rejected sometimes only after serious conflict and, in the case of North Carolina, open rebellion. At the same time, the Anglican Church was successful in establishing toeholds in colonies where it had previously been excluded. The struggle over Anglican establishment in New England hastened the end of Puritan dominance in that section.

Slavery as a permanent condition and a significant institution was firmly established during the third generation. The southern colonies, excepting only North Carolina, settled the issues of the permanent bondage of blacks, slavery spread in the Middle colonies and New England entered the slave trade.20

Otherwise, there was an expansion of non-English immigration (Welsh, Scots, Huguenots, Germans) in all sections of the country in the last half of the generation.

The third generation marked the beginning of the French and Indian wars, global conflicts with special implications for North America, which were to persist intermittently for two generations. King William's War lasted from 1689 to 1697, through the years of political response and Queen Anne's War picked up the years of political stabilization from 1701 to 1713. The Treaty of Utrecht which concluded the latter conflict, also brought the seventeenth century to an end in both Europe and America.21

B. Government and the Economy:

Completion of English occupation of the Atlantic seaboard tightened the imperial control over colonial trade in the mercantilist manner. In the South, the plantation owners increased the political power at the expense of merchants and freeholders, a reflection of shifts in the internal economies of the Southern colonies. Commerce continued to be the central consideration in the Middle colonies and became increasingly important in New England as well.

C. Principal Ethno-Religious Manifestations:

This was the last generation of Puritan political dominance in New England. It was marked by strong official efforts to foster Anglicanism, struggles within the Puritan fold between those who favored presbyterian organization and unreconstructed congregationalists, and the witch trials. Both Puritan theology and Puritan "blue laws" flowered in the struggle against non-Puritan elements. All these reflected a generation of religious crisis which traditional faith and the powers of the leaders of the faithful were undermined.

In the middle colonies, religious pluralism was established once and for all. It was even made the formal cornerstone of Pennsylvania, Delaware and the Jerseys but was no less true of New York. Indeed, religion was banished from the world affairs in those colonies, made a private matter while political economics became thoroughly secularized in spirit as well as practice.

In the South, old orthodoxies persisted more easily because they were less demanding. The beginnings of Huguenot and Scotch-Irish settlement in the southern or western areas of those colonies led to the introduction of Calvinism on a very limited scale but in territories relatively distant from the established centers of Anglicanism.

Relations with the Indians in the third generation became entangled with international politics as the great Indian nations aligned themselves with the English or the French in the struggle for control of North America that was to dominate two generations. The Indians, allied with the French, became very aggressive under stimulus from the allies, transforming a conflict that had involved periodic wars with relatively peaceful intervals into a well-nigh continuous scenario of raid and counter-raid that greatly heightened the American's hostility toward the red man.

The Eighteenth Century (1714-1815)

The three generations that comprise the eighteenth century - the fourth, fifth, and sixth in American history - had as their central task the founding of the American nation. At the beginning of the century, the Americans-to-be were still psychologically as well as politically divided by colonial boundaries. Only one man, an anonymous Virginian, is known to have publicly suggested federation of British North America and his book remained in obscurity.22 While the colonists had already begun to share common problems and experience, they were generally unaware that they did. By the end of the century, the young American republic was clearly established under its own federal constitution, had expanded its territory two-thirds of the way across the continent, had waged two wars with Britain to gain and maintain its independence, and was being viewed by the wiser heads of Europe as a world power in the making.

The Fourth Generation (1714-1754)

A. Major Political Patterns and Events:

The treaty of Utrecht represented a great gain for Great Britain, ratifying as it did its improved geopolitical status that was the result of a generation of conflict, but it left the precise boundaries between the French, Spanish and British possessions undefined and thereby sowed the seeds for future conflict on the basis of local issues. Among the formative events was the Yamasee War between South Carolina and Florida Indians allied with Spain that opened the door for the settlement of Georgia during the years of generational response.23 It was just one of a series of localized Indian wars that took place on the peripheries of colonial settlement throughout the generation.

In general, however, this first generation of the eighteenth century was devoted to the quiet advance of the colonists. It was in this generation that settlement advanced from the coastal areas inland as far as the mountains so that, by the end of the generation, the first crossings of the Appalachians were inaugurating a whole new era of westward expansion.24 Population increased four-fold in this generation, from less than 360,000 to nearly a million and a half. Cities developed that rivalled those in England in size and sophistication and an urban culture was established. America became an important factor in international trade, primarily as an exporter of agricultural products.25

The period of generational buildup was given over to these developments. Philadelphia flowered as the country's major city in what may well be called the "Age of Franklin", pioneering modern urban living in a host of ways. Boston ceased to be a town in all but name and form of government. New York expanded its position as the commercial entrepot par excellence. Baltimore was founded to handle the milling and export of flow from the new hinterlands between the Potomac and the Susquehanna. Richmond emerged as the first city of Virginia.

During the years of generational response, the Scotch-Irish and the Germans settled the Piedmont frontier and the great valleys that led southward from Pennsylvania to the Carolinas. At the same time, the Yankees began their last wave of town-building in southern New England and sent fingers of settlement into all sections of northern New England. Georgia was founded and fought a war with Spanish Florida to insure its survival. The Scots in particular represented the new element. Mostly those who had resisted the union of parliaments that eliminated Scotland's autonomous governmental structure (in 1707, one of the culminating event of the century in Britain), they were implacably hostile to English rule anywhere.

At the same time, the English were attempting to consolidate their rule in the colonies, converting proprietary colonies into royal ones, strengthening the hands of the royal governors and generally attempting to introduce more aristocratic elements into the colonial governments. the colonial legislatures fought back, strengthening themselves in the process, while the colonial courts began to write colonial notions of liberty into the law over the opposition of the governors, as in the Zenger case.26

After nearly three decades of peaceful consolidation, the generation was brought to an end by nine years of intermittent warfare (King George's War) that further consolidated the borders of British America and set the stage for the final assault on French Canada. For the first time, the Americans themselves bore the brunt of the fighting outside of their boundaries and proved themselves successful in the north and south wherever they were led by their own commanders.

At the generation's end, young George Washington was setting off for the Ohio River frontier and Benjamin Franklin was proposing his Plan of Union at the first general congress of colonial representatives. While neither effort was successful, both marked turning points in the developing American nation.

B. Government and Economy:

The British relaxed their mercantilist policies in the fourth generation to allow the Americans a wider ambit for trading, although under close Imperial regulation. The rum trade was opened to the colonies and the American traders extended themselves in many directions in the north and south Atlantic. In general, the growing productive capacity of American agriculture, the expansion of the new commercial cities in the colonies and the introduction of more sophisticated machinery for processing local natural resources made British America a more important ad increasingly more equal trading partner.27

A wealth American merchant class began to develop with all the accoutrements of such a class in the eighteenth century from "respectable" religion (Anglicanism) to fancy dress balls. At least in some quarters, the new colonial mercantile class began to develop rivalries with their British counterparts and dissatisfaction with the limitations of Imperial mercantilist policies, even relaxed ones.

C. Major Ethno-Religious Manifestations:

The great population increase of this generation was due to heavy migrations from Scotland, Ulster, Ireland proper, and the Germanies. While 60 percent of the population remained of English stock, the fact that 40 percent was non-English by the end of the generation was of great significance for America's future, not the least because many of those who came were not only uninterested in English rule, but actively opposed it. Most of the new immigrants settled on the frontier but a significant number rose to prominence in the cities as well, by exploiting the commercial adjunct of the land frontier.28 Religiously speaking, the great event of the generation was the Great Awakening, the first great intersectional (if not countrywide) revival which dominated the years of political response.29 While the character and impact of the Great Awakening are matters of some dispute, it is fairly well agreed that it brought American another step down the road away from the law-centered and society Puritanism of the seventeenth century and toward the more individualistic and anti-nomian Protestanism that was to become quintessentially American.

The Fifth Generation (1754-1789)

A. Major Political Patterns and Events:

The fifth generation was responsible for the founding of the United States.30 The formative events and generational buildup of that generation revolved around the last of the French and Indian Wars and the elimination of the French as a North American Power. The war itself began on the frontier in 1754 although officially it did not begin until 1756. Between those two years, the colonists were once again made painfully aware that the burden of frontier defense against the Indians would be theirs unless and until British imperial interests were more involved. Not only could they not depend upon the mother country to protect their interests on the frontier but there were even conflicts of interest between them. The colonists also learned how vulnerable the British could be through their experience with Braddock while discovering that they had some special military capabilities of their frontier experiences. Finally, for the first time, the colonists and the imperial power were formally asked to consider a plan of national federation, Benjamin Franklin's Albany Plan of Union proposed in 1754 on the eve of the war as a defense measure.31

By 1713, the French had been eliminated and the disposition of the continent east of the Mississippi became a matter of issue between the Americans and the British imperial authorities. The issue was heightened because in the culminating events of the previous generation the Americans broke the Appalachian barrier so that settlers began to move west of the mountains as soon as the war was over only find their way blocked by the British who decided to keep the west wild for the fur trade. Thus the question of western settlement became a key point of confrontation during the generational buildup.

After the aftermath of the last French-and-Indian War also brought with it the controversy over who was to pay for the conflict and the struggle over colonial taxation which became the proximate cause of the break with England. The series of parliamentary tax measures added almost yearly increments to the tension between colonists and mother country beginning with the Sugar and Currency Acts of 1764 (the latter struck at the established power of the colonies to issue paper money) and continuing with the Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend Acts of 1767, the tea tax of 1770 and culminating in the Tea Act of 1773.

The main thrust of the generational buildup was in the direction of American Independence combining as it did the multiplication of controversies with Britain, the spreading sense of American nationalism, and the emergence of an intercolonial political structure to mobilize the public and to represent its common interests. The two major prerevolutionary nationwide "expressions of public will" were the Stamp Act Congress in 1765 and the first Continental Congress of 1774 which, in a very real sense, anticipated the role played by critical presidential elections after independence. The Stamp Act Congress was essentially loyalist in its composition but it gave the independence party a chance to organize on an intercolonial basis. By the first Continental Congress, even though it, too, took a generally loyalist stance, the men who were to vote for independence two years later were already dominant.

The second Continental Congress initiated the years of political response (1775-1781) whose central events were the War and Declaration of Independence and the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, the constitution that formalized the existence of the United States as a "perpetual union". The decisive actions taken in that period need hardly be mentioned. The Continental Congress created an independent nation, gave it a constitution and a government, established an army and navy, created a monetary and banking system (the first bank in North America), gave it the accoutrements of statehood, and assured that the western lands would be a common national resource, all while waging a war of independence. In a very real sense, this first intensive period of national political response to the challenges of the generation was paradigmatic of those that were to follow.

The years of political response were followed by the period from 1781 to 1789 which, despite their reputation of years of upheaval actually were years of political stabilization as the country got on its feet and began to organize itself as an independent nation. The newly ratified Articles of Confederation were made operative and legislation effectuating the actions of the Continental Congress was enacted, particularly in regard to the western lands (the Northwest Ordinance of 1785 and 1787). A favorable peace treaty with Great Britain "wrapped up" the War of Independence and the last of the unreconstructed loyalists left the country with considerable local encouragement.32

The culminating events of the generation were fully in line with the post-1781 trends. The constitutional convention of 1787 did not create a new union but in its own words, established a "more perfect" one, ending the generation that struggled for independence and opening the doors to the future for the new nation under a more durable form of government.33

B. Government and Economy:

The political revolution of the fifth generation was accompanied by an economic revolution as well. The colonialist economic policies of the British were serious factors in provoking the independence movement and greater opportunity for international trade was a major American war aim. As soon as conditions permitted, Americans began developing their international trading capabilities. Internally, many of the most powerful economic figures in the country remained loyalists and, as a consequence, lost their positions and even their wealth, leading to something of a redistribution of power - political and economic - as a result of the war, the degree to which this was so varied from state to state with the fewest changes coming in the South where much of the planter class sided with the revolutionaries. The greatest changes came in the Middle States where many of the great merchants were Tories through and through and were attacked as such. Finally, the triumph of the Americans raised questions regarding intercolonial commerce that led directly to the constitutional convention and the creation of what may anachronistically be called the American "common market".34

C. Major Ethno-Religious Manifestations:

Revolutionary changes in the patterns of church-state relations accompanied the independence struggle. Most states disestablished their churches during the course of the generation, establishing governments that, while pledged to support "religion and morality" were forbidden to support particular denominations. Equal rights of citizenship were extended to non-Protestants and non-Christians over most of the new republic.35

The war itself reflected the impact of the growing ethnic diversity that was a particular feature of the eighteenth century. Scots, for example, played an important role in the conflict, displaying their strong anti-English feelings. Quakers and the German sectarians, on the other hand, were generally loyalists because of their general anti-war posture, if not their prosperity under British rule. The war itself attracted military figures from various parts of Europe to give the revolutionary army a certain cosmopolitan veneer that would likely be transformed into a part of the American tradition whereby every ethnic group to settle in the country could find its special Revolutionary War hero.

The revolution was also a partial revolution for the blacks as well. Slavery was abolished in the North under the impetus of the drive for equality and liberty and might even have disappeared in the South had it not been for the invention of the cotton gin and the opening of the western lands. This partial victory was written into the Constitution as part of the achievement of the revolutionary generation.36

Most of the Indians sided with the British during the Revolution, recognizing that the Americans were now their implacable foes, wish it or not. The British, in turn, used them for raiding on the frontier as the French had used their Indian allies a generation earlier. As a result, the Americans adopted an implacably hostile attitude toward all Indians which was rapidly incorporated into the national policy of the young Republic.

The Sixth Generation (1789-1815)

The major concern of the this, the first generation under the Constitution was the establishment of the political institutions and character of the new federal republic. This concern was accompanied by more or less successful efforts to expand the nation's borders and insure its independence from both Great Britain and European wars in general. By the end of the generation, the outlines of such institutions as the presidency, congress and the judiciary were coming clear; the nature of the federal-state relationship was well on its way to definition; party politics had successfully taken root; and the continental expansion of the United States was more or less assured.

A. Major Political Events and Patterns:

The sixth generation began with the adoption of the Constitution in 1789 and its initial implementation by President Washington and the First Congress during the next three years.37 These were founding events that not only gave that generation its direction but shaped the subsequent framework of political life in the Republic.

Already by the time of the writing of the Constitution, it was apparent that the older generation of revolutionary leaders was giving way to the younger men, the subalterns of the Continental army or to men who had risen to prominence during the Revolution itself. Indeed, now a few of the great revolutionary leaders - men like Patrick Henry, George Mason and Samuel Adams - opposed ratification of the Constitution and, for that reason or some other, retired from the political scene after its adoption. This process accelerated during the 1790s so that by 1800 Jefferson alone among the great revolutionary leaders remained politically active and he had not emerged as a figure until 1776 when, as a 32 year old, he wrote the Declaration of Independence.38

During that period of generation buildup (1789-1800) the coalitions that had originally formed around the struggle over ratification of the Constitution became institutionalized as the Federalist and Democratic-Republican parties. The party struggle they initiated led the the first set of critical elections in 1796 and 1800, the first of which cemented the Jeffersonian coalition even though the Federalists won while the second shifted majority party status from the Federalists to the Republicans.39

The Jeffersonian political response to the problems of the sixth generation came between 1801 and 1808, encompassing the ratifying election of 1804 which Jefferson won by an overwhelming majority. The response was less one of specific programs than one befitting a still-young republic, namely the establishment of ground rules for the transfer of national power from one party to another, the firming up of the conditions of westward expansion and the inauguration of the internal improvement movement.40

The growing necessity for America to adjust to the changes in the international balance of power as a result of the Napoleonic wars led to a turning away from domestic issues and inaugurated a period of political stabilization that lasted until the end of the generation (1808-1815). The tabling of Gallatin's Report on Internal Improvements (itself a hint of things to come in the next generation) marked the end of the forward thrust of the Republicans. From then on, foreign affairs culminating in the inconclusive War of 1812 dominated the scene.

The war and its impact on the nation represented the generation's culminating events. The need for national fiscal controls and better internal communications opened the door to an expansion of the federal role in domestic affairs in the next generation while the failure of the Hartford Convention heralded a shift of political power southward and westward, away from New England.

B. Government and the Economy:41

During this, the formative generation of the American Republic, all governments pursued an activist policy designed to regulate private enterprise in general while assisting in the expansion of specific enterprises either through the grant of monopolies or by joining with private parties in joint enterprises. All planes of government were actively concerned with improving the "economies" they served.

Government-chartered monopolies were common in all fields requiring large scale organizations, with banking in particular a governmental or quasi-governmental function. Where direct government participation was involved, joint-stock companies, created by combining government and private investment, were established to undertake specific projects. A moderate protective tariff was applied to maintain government economic and foreign trade policies. Price regulation and market controls were common on the local plane. Systematic use of the public domain for development purposes was still in the future but specific government land grants for specific projects were not uncommon.

C. Principal Ethno-Religious Manifestations:

The first generation under the constitution witnessed the virtual completion of the movements to separate the American churches from their English organizational ties and to disestablish the state churches, which had begun in the Revolutionary generation. By the generation's end, church and state were formally separated in all but four states, though informal supports continued to exist, particularly on the local plane. disestablishment came in no little measure as a result of triumph of unitarian and deistic ideas among the intellectual, social and political leadership in the country and the spread of Methodism (and, to a lesser extent, Baptism) among the common people. Thomas Paine published his deistic-atheistic ideas at the beginning of the generation and Jefferson gave expression to his humanistic deism at its high point. In New England in the early 1800s the Unitarians seceded from the orthodox churches in a great schism.42

This final breakdown of the orthodoxies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries made it well-nigh impossible for formal religious establishment to be maintained in the states where it had previously existed. Consequently, the pattern that already prevailed in the pluralistic states, particularly New York and Pennsylvania, was introduced in the others as well. That pattern involved the localization of socio-religious subcommunity (or perhaps more than one if they were all generally compatible) would dominate a particular locality and informally maintain its way of life as the norm there, thus creating a kind of territorialistic pluralism that not only gave a special vitality to territorial democracy but created a framework for the assimilation of the immigrants from Europe that were to begin to come in great numbers after the Napoleonic wars.

While the foregoing was transpiring on the ethno-religious front,d the racial situation was undergoing a striking change as well. At the very beginning of the sixth generation slavery was abolished in the northern states while at the same time it became profitable once again in the South. Whitney's cotton gin revived a declining interest in slave labor below the Mason-Dixon line, again ending an eighteenth century trend while at the same time setting up the North-South division on the issue that was to form the central political concern of the nineteenth century. The eighteenth century spirit was to have one last nationwide victory during the generation. As part of the "tidying up" of its affairs, Congress in 1808 enacted legislation ending the slave trade as provided in the constitutional compromise of twenty years earlier.

The sixth generation also marked a shift in American attitudes toward the Indians. At the beginning of the generation, the tribes were still viewed as nations, essentially, the equals of the United States in political relations if not in civilization, capable of allying themselves with the Republic's enemies. by the generation's end, they had been transformed in the public mind into tribes, meaning primitive nuisances with localized impact rather than threats to the Republic.43


This chapter discusses the American founding and the first two centuries of the original American land frontier. It begins with the foundings of the thirteen original colonies, and continues through the founding of the United States to the end of the War of 1812, the second War of American Independence, and up to the beginning of the American turn inward and the massive westward movement of the nineteenth century. These foundings and the generational rhythms they generated, separately in the seventeenth century and increasingly as one American rhythm in the eighteenth, were based on the emergence of a common set of challenges and responses shared by the emerging United States of America. The foundings and frontiers are discussed in terms of the themes outlined in Chapter 2, looking at the internal rhythm of each generation, founding, climactic and culminating events, and their impact on American society, economy, culture, federalism and religion, all within the context of their political implications, manifestations and ramifications.


1. Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 2 vols. (New York: Schocken Books, 1961). See also Oscar Handlin and Lilian Handlin, Liberty and Power (New York: Harper and Row, 1986).

2. On the history of Virginia, see Richard R. Beeman, "Robert Manford and the Political Culture of Frontier Virginia," Journal of American Studies 12, no. 3 (August 1978): 169-183; Matthew P. Andrews, Virginia, the Old Dominion (Richmond: Dietz Press, 1949); Wesley M. Gewehr, The Great Awakenings in Virginia, 1740-1790 (Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1965); Thomas J. Wertenbaker, The Planters of Colonial Virginia (New York: Russell and Russell, 1959); Marshall W. Fishwick, Virginia: A New Look at the Old Dominion (New York: Harper and Row, 1959); Charles S. Syndor, American Revolutionaries in the Making: Political Practices in Washington's Virginia (New York: Collier Books, 1962); David Hackett Fischer, America, A Cultural History; Volume I: Albion's Seed (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).

3. Thomas J. Condon, New York Beginnings: The Commercial Origins of New Netherland (New York: New York University Press, 1968); David M. Ellis, James A. Frost, Harold C. Syrett, and Harry J. Carman, A History of New York State (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1967); Seymour Freegood, The Gateway States (New York: Time-Life Library of America, 1967); New York: A Guide to the Empire State, Writers' Project Administration of the WPS, American Guide Series (New York: Oxford University Press, 1940); Warren Moscow, Politics in the Empire State (New York: Knopf, 1948); David Hackett Fischer, America, A Cultural History, op. cit.

4. Perry Miller, Orthodoxy in Massachusetts, 1620-1650 (New York: Harper, 1933); Ronald M. Peters, The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780: A Social Compact (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978), and Conservatism in a Progressive Era: Massachusetts Politics, 1900-1912 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964); Murray B. Levine and George Blackwood, Political Strategy in Massachusetts: The Complete Politician (New York: Bobbs-Merril, 1962).

5. On the history of Connecticut, see Neal R. Pierce, The New England States (New York: W.W. Norton, 1976); Connecticut in Focus (Hamden, Conn.: League of Women Voters of Connecticut Education Fund 1974); Connecticut: A Guide to Its Roads, Lore, and People, Writers' Project Administration of the WPA, American Guide Series (Cambridge, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin, 1938); John Gunther, Inside the U.S.A. (New York: Harper, 1947).

6. On government and the economy in 17th century America, see Louis B. Wrights, The Atlantic Frontier: Colonial American Civilization (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947); Harry N. Scheiber et al., American Economic History (New York: Harper and Row, 1976); Howard R. Smith, Economic History of the United States (New York: Ronald Press, 1955); Harold Underwood Faulkner, American Economic History, 8th ed. (New York: Harper, 1960).

7. On religious and ethnic groups in 17th century America, see Edwin Scott Gustad, Historical Atlas of Religion in America (New York: Harper, 1962); Daniel J. Boorstein, The Americans: The Colonial Experience (New York: Random House, 1958); W.W. Sweet, ed., Religion on the American Frontier, 1783-1850, 3 vols. (New York, 1931-39); Robert E. Shalhope, The Roots of Democracy: American Thought and Culture, 1760-1800 (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990).

8. See Ralph Nading Hill, Yankee Kingdom: Vermont and New Hampshire (New York: Harper, 1960); and Pierce, The New England States.

9. On the introduction of blacks into Virginia, see James C. Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1968); Robert McColley, Slavery and Jeffersonian Virginia (Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 1964); Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W.W. Norton, 1975).

10. On the American Indians at the time of the first settlement, see Clark Wissler, The American Indian (New York: P. Smith, 1950); Alden T. Vaughn, New England Frontier: Puritans and Indians 1620-1675 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965); Francis Paul Prusha, Great Father: The United States Government and the American Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984); L. Lyman Tyler, A History of Indian Policy (Washington, D.C.. U.S. Department of Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Government Printing Office, 1973).

11. See George Callcott, Maryland and America 1940-1980 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985); Newton D. Mereness, Maryland as a Proprietary Province (New York, 1901); Bernard C. Steiner, Beginnings of Maryland (Baltimore, 1903); Mathew P. Andrews, The Founding of Maryland (Baltimore, 1933).

12. John T. Cunningham, New Jersey: America's Main Road (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976); and the forthcoming State and Local Politics in New Jersey, in the "State Politics and Government Series" from the University of Nebraska Press.

13. Paul Dolor, The Government and Administration of Delaware (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1956); Cy Libernon, James M. Rosbrow and Harvey B. Rubenstein, The Delaware Citizen: The Guide to Active Citizenship in the First State (New York: Tapinger, 1967).

14. On the history of New England and the New England Confederation, see Duane Lockard, New England State Politics (Chicago: Princeton University Press, 1959); Harry H. Ward, The United Colonies of New England 1643-90 (New York: Vintage Press, 1961).

15. See Dorris A. Isaacson, ed., Maine: A Guide "Downeast", 2nd ed. (Rockland, Me.: Courier-Gazette, 1970); Bernice Abbot and Chenoweth Hall, A Portrait of Maine (New York: Macmillan, 1968); Louise D. Rich, State O'Maine (New York: Harper and Row, 1964); Pierce, The New England States.

16. Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (Boston: Little, Brown, 1958), Puritan Political Ideas 1588-1794 (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965), Visible Saints: The History of a Puritan Idea (New York: Great Seal Books and Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1961); John Fiske, The Beginning of New England as the Puritan Theocracy and Its Relations to Civil and Religious Liberty (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1889); Douglas Campbell, The Puritan Holland, England and America, 2 vols., (New York: Harper, 1892); and Vaughn, New England Frontier.

17. See the following titles by Edwin S. Gaustad: American Religious History (Washington, D.C.: American Historical Association, 1966), Dissent in American Religion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973), A Documentary History of Religion in America (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eermans, 1983), The Great Awakening in New England (Glocester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1965), Historical Atlas of Religion in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1968), A Religious History of America (New York: Harper and Row, 1966). Also see Richard Neibuhr's The Social Sources of Denominationalism (New York: Living Age Books, 1929), and The Kingdom of God in America (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1937).

18. Ernest McPherson Lander, Jr., A History of South Carolina 1865-1960 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: The University of North Carolina Press, 1960); Eric B. Herzik and Sally B. Teater, North Carolina Focus (Raleigh, N.C.: North Carolina Center for Public Policy Research, 1981); Robert S. Rakin, The Government and Administration of North Carolina (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1955).

19. Lucian J. Fosdick, The French Blood in America (New York: Flemming H. Revell, 1906); G.H. Doge, The Political Theory of the Huguenots of Dispersion (New York: Octagon Books, 1947); Arthur H. Hirsch, The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina (Durham, N.C., 1928).

20. Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969); Stanley Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Thomas R. Frazier, ed., Afro-American History (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1970); Laura Foner, ed., Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comparative History (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969); Charles D. Rice, The Rise and Fall of Black Slavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975); Irwin Unger and David Reimers, The Slavery Experience in the United States (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970); John R. Spears, The American Slave Trade: An Account of Its Origin, Growth and Suppression (New York: Ballantine Books, 1960); Paul Finkelman, An Imperfect Union: Slavery, Federalism and Comity (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981); William Henry Smith, A Political History of Slavery, 2 vols. (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1903); Charles P. Henry, Culture and African American Politics (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990).

21. On the French and Indian Wars, see Paul M. Angle, A New Continent and A New Nation, volume one selected from the American Reader (Greenwich, Conn: Fawcett Publications, 1960), chapter 3; Ellsworth Huntington, The Red Man's Continent: A Chronicle of Aborigine America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1920).

22. In 1701, an pamphlet was issued in Virginia proposing a plan for the federation of the colonies. The pamphlet was published anonymously and did not generate any substantial reaction.

23. Norman V. Bartley, The Creation of Modern Georgia (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1983); Cullen B. Gosnell and C. David Anderson, The Government and Administration of Georgia (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1958); Ulrich B. Phillips, Georgia and State Rights (Yellow Springs, Ohio: Antioch Press, 1968).

24. Bayrd Still, ed., The West, Contemporary Records of America's Expansion Across the Continent 1607-1890 (New York: Capricorn Books, 1961); Robert W. Richmond and Robert W. Mardock, eds., A Nation Moving West: Readings in the History of the American Frontier (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966); Dan E. Clark, The West in American History (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1973).

25. Carl Bridenbaugh, Cities in Revolt: Urban Life in America, 1743-1776 (London: Oxford University Press, 1971), and Cities in the Wilderness: The First Century of Urban Life in America, 1625-1742 (London: Oxford University Press, 1971).

26. S.E. Johnson, A History of Emigration from the United Kingdom to North America, 1763-1912 (London, 1913); Thomas Brinley, Migration and Economic Growth: A Study of Great Britain and the American Economy (Cambridge, England: University Press, 1954).

27. On the economic history of British North America, see Brinley, Migration and Economic Growth; Curtis P. Nettels, "British Mercantilism and the Economic Development of the Thirteen Colonies," in Journal of Economic History, XII (Spring 1952); Dorothy R. Adler, British Investment in American Railways, 1834-1898 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1970).

28. On the Scotch and the Scotch-Irish, see John H. Finley, The Coming of the Scot (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1940); Charles A. Hanna, The Scotch Irish: Or the Scot in North Britain, North Ireland and North America, 2 vols. (New York: G.P. Putnam, 1902); James G. Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish: A Social History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962).

29. David S. Lovejoy, ed., Religious Enthusiasm and the Great Awakening (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1969); Wesley M. Gewehr, The Great Awakening in Virginia, 1740-1790 (Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith, 1965); Gaustad, The Great Awakening in New England.

30. See John Fiske, The American Revolution, 2 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1901); Angle, A New Continent and a New Nation; John Richard Alden, The American Revolution 1775-1783 (New York: Harper, 1954).

31. Richard B. Morris, The Encyclopedia of American History (New York: Harper and Row, 1965); J.T. Adams, ed., Dictionary of American History (New York: Scribner, 1976); E.B. O'Callaghan, Documentary History of the State of New York (Albany: Wee, Parsons & Co., 1849-1851).

32. On the "Critical Period" 1781-1787, see Andrew McLaughlin, The Confederation and the Constitution 1783-1789 (New York: Collier Books, 1962); Merrill Jenson, ed., The Articles of Confederation (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962).

33. Charles S. Hyneman and Donald S. Lutz, eds., American Political Writing During the Founding Era 1760-1805 (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1983); Donald S. Lutz, The Origins of American Constitutionalism (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988); Andrew McLaughlin, The Foundations of American Constitutionalism, intro. by Henry Steele Commager (1932; rpr. Gloucester Mass.: Peter Smith, 1972); Forrest McDonald, E Pluribus Unum: The Function of the American Republic 1771-1790 (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1979).

34. Scheiber et al., American Economic History; Howard R. Smith, Economic History of the United States (New York: Ronald Press, 1955); Faulkner, American Economic History; Wrights, The Atlantic Frontier.

35. Franklin Hamlin Littell, The Free Church, The Significance of the Left Wing of the Reformation for Modern American Protestantism (Boston: Starr King Press, 1959).

36. Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969); Laura Foner, ed., Slavery in the New World: A Reader in Comparative History (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969); Charles D. Rice, The Rise and Fall of Black Slavery (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975); Irwin Unger and David Reimers, The Slavery Experience in the United States (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970).

37. Charles S. Hyneman and George W. Carey, A Second Federalist: Congress Creates a Government (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967); Leonard D. White, The Federalists: A Study in Administrative History (New York: Greenwood, 1978).

38. On generational changing of the guard, see S.N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation: Age Groups and Social Structures (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1956); Ronald Inglehart, "Generational Change in Europe," in Mattei Dougan and Richard Rose, eds., European Politics: A Reader (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971); Gerald M. Pomper, "Classification of Presidential Elections," Journal of Politics 29, (August 1967): 535-66; Deadalus 107 No. 3-4 (1978), an issue dedicated to the concept of generation.

39. Herbert Agar, Price of Union (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966); Manning Dauer, The Adams Federalists (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1968).

40. Henry Adams, A History of the United States During the Administration of Jefferson and Madison (London: Collins, 1948); Leonard D. White, The Jeffersonians: A Study in Administrative History, 1801-1829 (New York: Macmillan, 1951); Daniel J. Elazar, The American Partnership: Intergovernmental Co-operation in the Nineteenth Century United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962).

41. Scheiber et al., American Economic History; Smith, Economic History of the United States; Faulkner, American Economic History; Curtis Nettles, "Radicals and Empire Builders: The Diplomacy of Revolution and Independence," in The Shaping of American Diplomacy (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1956); Bray Hammond, Banks and Politics in America: From the Revolution to the Civil War (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957).

42. On separation of church and state, see William Muehl, Mixing Religion and Politics (New York: Association Press, 1958); Richard E. Morgan, The Politics of Religious Conflict: Church and State in America (New York: Pegasus, 1968); Martin E. Marty, Church-State Separation in America: The Tradition Nobody Knows (Washington, D.C.: People for the American Way, 1982); Gerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor: A Sociological Study of Religion's Impact on Politics, Economics and Family Life (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1963); Franklin Hamlin Littell, From Church to Pluralism: A Protestant Interpretation of Religion in American History (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1962); John F. Wilson, The Church and State in American History (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1965); Earl Raab, Religious Conflict in America (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1964); Thomas G. Sanders, Protestant Concepts of Church and State (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1965).

43. Clark Wissler, The American Indian (New York: P. Smith, 1950); S. Lyman Tyler, A History of Indian Policy (Washington, D.C., 1973); Thorstein Sellin, ed., "American Indians and American Life," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (May 1957); Francis Paul Prucha, Great Father: The United States Government and American Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984); Russell L. Barsh and James Y. Henderson, The Road: Indian Tribes and Political Liberty (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).

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