Jerusalem Letters of Lasting Interest
JL:123 23 Tishrei 5752 / 1 October 1991
DON'T LOOK BACK: HOLOCAUST
SURVIVORS IN THE U.S.
William Helmreich
No Social History of Survivors / Survivors See Psychiatrists
Less / Success in America / Higher Birthrate; Lower Divorce Rate
/ Choosing America or Israel? / On Arrival in America
No Social History of Survivors
Where Irving Howe's World of Our Fathers deals with Jews who came
to America between 1881 and 1917, there is no World of Our
Fathers about the 140,000 European Holocaust survivors who came
to the United States after World War II or even about the other
two-thirds of the survivors who came to Israel. Aside from a few
small books such as Dorothy Rabinowitz's New Lives, which quotes
from some 18 interviews with survivors surrounding the Hermine
Braunsteiner Ryan trial, and one or two edited collections of
interviews, there has been no social history whatsoever of the
survivor community. We know nothing from published sources about
the communities they set up, where they went, how they lived,
their economic patterns, their family patterns, except in the
area of pathology and deviance.
We know a lot about the problems that the survivors faced in
psychological terms. We frequently generalize and characterize
them as people who suffer a great deal from depression, anxiety,
paranoia, but in terms of the larger picture we really do not
know much. Most of the research on which we base our conclusions
about survivors comes from populations who were seen clinically,
which introduces a certain bias into the equation. We have data
about people who either were seen by psychiatrists or are in
hospitals, or those who were restitution claimants, who asked for
money, sometimes feeling the need to exaggerate their symptoms
because the Germans judging their claims were so unsympathetic.
This is a report on the first quantitative survey of Holocaust
survivors in the United States based on a truly random sample of
survivors. The sample was drawn from a base that used random
digit dialing and was divided proportionately according to the
number of survivors that remained in the New York area and those
that went elsewhere.
While their ages varied, the survivors who came to America after
the war were generally between the ages of 15 and 35. A lot of
the people interviewed were not in the camps, they were in
hiding. Our definition of a survivor includes people who were in
labor camps, people who hid, people who passed as gentiles,
people who were in ghettoes, and people who went to Siberia. The
criteria were people who were dislocated during the war starting
with 1939.
One should hesitate before concluding that those who went through
Auschwitz suffered the most. First of all, it depended on what
one did. Second, it depended on one's individual capacity.
Third, some researchers have argued that being in a situation of
hiding was in some ways even worse than being in the camps
because in the camps one developed a certain level of
expectations, but those in hiding every day never knew when they
went to sleep that they might be awakened, apprehended and
killed.
The study included 170 in-depth interviews with survivors. Some
were well-known people like Abe Foxman; Jack Tramiel, the
President of Atari; Tom Lantos, the only Holocaust survivor to
serve in the U.S. Congress; Vera Stern, the wife of violinist
Isaac Stern, but some of the average people, the shoemakers and
tailors, sometimes have even more extraordinary tales to tell.
Part of the research involved searching the archival collections
of Yivo, through the minutes of HIAS and of USNA, the United
Service for New Americans, which at one point worked parallel
with
HIAS and later merged to form United HIAS. The National Council
of Jewish Women has 60,000 typewritten interviews done with
survivors and other immigrants and housed in Yeshiva University's
archives. They total more than 200,000 pages and are just waiting
for researchers to do something with them. They are a remarkable
gold mine of information and material, enough for perhaps ten
doctoral
dissertations. In addition, there is Yale University's oral
history collection. At Yad Vashem in Jerusalem there are 236
taped interviews done with survivors who came to Israel for the
1981 world gathering.
Since Jewish history is a chain of events that spans centuries,
it would be wrong to leave any piece in the chain unconnected. If
we do not tell the story of these survivors after the war and if
we do not get to speak with them before they pass on, we will
lose a very important part of Jewish cultural history.
Survivors See Psychiatrists Less
The data from this survey paint a very different picture of the
average survivor, especially in comparison to the average
American Jew. One measure of psychological health is whether or
not one feels a need for psychological or psychiatric assistance.
Compared to a control group of American Jews, survivors were
actually less likely to have ever seen a psychiatrist or social
worker, despite their past ordeals.
The above fact presents those who are trying to understand the
survivors as a group with a very serious dilemma. Since probably
three-quarters of the research to date has employed a sample of
those who have been in treatment, this means in effect that 80
percent of our conclusions are based on less than 20 percent of
the total survivor population. Clearly, we know rather little
about the average survivor in terms of his or her adjustment.
Success in America
On the whole, the survivors succeeded in America to a greater
degree than many people think. Their family lives are remarkably
stable. Their economic patterns show that they were able to
successfully hold down jobs and even do well, but were not wildly
successful. In 1989, 34 percent of the survivors reported
earning over $50,000, compared to 41 percent of American Jews.
Survivors also did rather well socially. They became involved in
synagogues and in educational institutions. They not only belong
to Jewish organizations at a higher rate than American Jews but
are also more likely to be leaders in those organizations.
When it comes to visiting Israel, survivors are more than three
times as likely to have visited Israel two or more times than
American Jews. Overall, 89 percent of all survivors have visited
Israel at least once.
Higher Birthrate; Lower Divorce Rate
Survivors have a higher birthrate than American Jews, which is
one of the clearest signs that survivors believe in the future,
namely, that they choose to bring children into a world that
was once so cruel to them. Even though they make less money,
they are more likely to own their own home than American Jews
because they invest a great deal of importance in that. For
them, security and independence are very important considerations
in their postwar lifestyles.
Most of the focus to date on problems of survivors has been in
terms of family problems. Yet, in fact, only about 11 percent of
the survivors are divorced compared to 18 percent for
American-raised Jews. On the one hand, one could say that the
turmoil in the Holocaust survivor's lives apparently did not
translate into a high divorce rate. On the other hand, they
might have been more willing to suffer through bad marriages
because of their conservative, Old World values.
Do survivor-survivor marriages work out better than marriages
between survivors and Americans? It would seem so because
survivors who married Americans are almost twice as likely to get
divorced as survivors who married survivors. Maybe survivors'
unions last longer because the couple can better understand each
other's problems. It might also mean, however, that those
survivors who linked up with Americans became more Americanized
and were therefore more willing to consider divorce as a solution
to marital strife. The divorce rate for survivor-American
couples is the same as the divorce rate for American couples --
19 percent.
Choosing America or Israel
First of all, why did the survivors who chose to come to America
do so? Many came because of family. Unlike the Jews who came to
America at the turn of the century, the survivors found that
America afforded them the opportunity to resume rather than to
break off family ties because in many instances the only members
of their families who were still alive were those who had come to
the U.S. before the war. For them this was a reunion, not like
the old days when one left their family behind. Their family
was already in the U.S. and because of this they were able to
enter the country.
Another reason was that people were sometimes just too tired to
take on the challenge of becoming pioneers. They knew from
letters from Israel that life there was tough and before 1948
getting there was not so easy.
One woman, Anna Lowy, told a reporter for the Jewish Examiner
that she selected the United States over Palestine "not because I
don't love Palestine but because I do love Palestine. But
Palestine needs strong people to work and fight for her and I am
no longer strong and I can fight no more. But I have one wish,
to see Palestine just once."
There were many survivors who looked to America because of its
size and diversity, and separation of church and state offered
them the promise of being able to fit in, to disappear and to
hopefully put the past behind them. Elie Wiesel describes this
feeling in his novel The Fifth Son. The speaker is glad that
he
waited for the American visa. The American way of life suits
him. It is easy to blend in with the masses. There are people
for whom the pain of being Jewish was simply too much to bear.
New York, as Wiesel writes, the most extroverted city in the
world, is also the perfect city for loners. Approximately 65
percent of the survivors stayed in the New York area. The other
35 percent were scattered among some 341 different communities.
One of the least known facts we discovered was that there were
1,500 survivor families who started farms after World War II in
such established locations as the Vineland, New Jersey area, as
well as Colchester, Danielson, and Norwich, Connecticut;
Ferndale, Ellenville and other towns in Sullivan and Ulster
Counties and the Niagara Peninsula in upstate New York; Petaluma,
California; and on individual farms throughout the United States.
If we are to fully understand why some survivors selected America
or Canada while others opted for Israel, a lot of research is
required. We have to do a full demographic breakdown of those
who entered each country. We would have to compare factors from
country to country such as age, health, the religious affiliation
of the people, the country of origin, their socioeconomic status,
how they spent the war years. We would have to know if they were
positively influenced by Zionist ideas before the war; whether or
not they had relatives in Israel, Europe and America; where in
Europe they were after the war, etc. We must also remember that
the survivors went through different experiences. We cannot lump
together people who went through camps, people who hid in
Siberia, and people who hid in people's homes. All of this would
have to be done for each year of the postwar era, and ideally it
would have to be supplemented with in-depth interviews which
would try to determine the precise basis for the decisions made.
Only then could general conclusions be drawn about the survivor
communities in Israel and the West and such work has as yet not
been undertaken.
The cathartic effect of fighting the enemy instead of the
running, cowering in fear, and humiliation that typified the
survivors during the war is a major difference between what
happened to the survivors who came to Israel and those who came
to America. Survivors in Israel immediately became part of the
majority, whereas those who went to America were members of a
minority once again, albeit a tolerated minority.
Even as new arrivals, the survivors in Israel were not seen as
intrinsically different from other new immigrants to Israel.
Therefore, being an immigrant there did not have the same stigma
attached to it that being an immigrant in America did. There are
many newspaper articles that recorded the difficulties that faced
the survivors when they came to the United States as immigrants,
as well as the prejudice and discrimination that they
encountered.
On Arrival in America
What was it like for the survivors when they first came to
America? The boats usually left from Bremenhaven and the journey
took about two weeks. The main ports of arrival were New York,
Boston, and New Orleans, while those who came through Shanghai
arrived in San Francisco.
The most frequently used location in New York was the Hotel
Marseilles, a massive 10-story building located on the city's
upper west side, though at 425 Lafayette Street there was the
HIAS center with a dormitory in the building. Some people
remembered the Marseilles as a dilapidated halfway house for war
refugees and others identified it as the place where they got
their first key ever to a private room. The hotel was a bustling
center of immigrant activity where people talked, reminisced, and
made plans for the future. An Aufbau reporter described the
scene in 1946 in the following terms: "Two buses stopped in front
of the Hotel Marseilles. European baggage is unloaded. Inside
people converse excitedly about the new immigration. Chocolate
and peanuts are pressed into the hands of children." (Two months
after reading this I interviewed a survivor in Westchester, Alex
Petrushka, a master piano teacher, who told me, "The peanuts, I
remember the smell of the peanuts to this very day.")
The Marseilles Hotel was the headquarters for the numerous
agencies that were continuing the absorption process and it had
meeting rooms, recreation halls, medical facilities, and a
clothing distribution center. People attended English classes,
lectures and films designed to orient them to America. Immigrants
came into the hotel at all times of the day and night. You would
walk around the lobby and listen to the conversations of the
immigrants in a dozen tongues and had the feeling that you were
in another world, a world whose inhabitants were simply unwilling
to shed the cultural baggage of the past. They groped hesitantly
towards the future, a future which for them was fraught with
peril, for it required adjustments that they really had
difficulty in even considering because they had gone through so
much already.
It was a recurring sight: women would come in and burst into
tears when they saw clean sheets in their hotel rooms. The
well-known philanthropist William Rosenwald talked about how a
group of children arrived at a shelter and the youngest were sent
to an infant's home. It took the older children three days before
they gathered enough courage to ask if the infants had been sent
to the gas chambers.
The accounts varied from community to community. In Kenosha,
Wisconsin, for example, a number of survivors explained in great
detail how they would never forget how the community gave them
furnished apartments, refrigerators full of food, and helped them
find jobs. On the other hand, one arrival who came to Pittsburgh
said of the Steel City Hotel where she stayed that "horses should
live there, not people." Another survivor, who came to Oklahoma
City, said, "Don't even ask what it was like. It was just
terrible."
There were also people with unique problems. For example, I
spoke with a Sephardic man from Salonika who settled in the Bronx
where the people at the local synagogue thought he was a spy
because he could not speak Yiddish. Although he spoke Ladino,
they told him, "You must be a spy. You cannot be Jewish and be a
survivor and not speak Yiddish." Eventually he took a very long
walk every week to a Sephardic synagogue where he felt more at
home.
I met a man in the Milwaukee area whose parents were survivors
but did not even know he was Jewish until age 24. His parents
had decided after the Holocaust that they were not going to tell
anybody that they were Jewish, a story one hears more often
about survivors who stayed in Europe. This couple came to
America courtesy of Catholic Relief and were sent to a city in
Wisconsin, where they joined the Lithuanian Church and told no
one that they were ever Jewish. One day the man walked into his
mother's room and found her looking through some photographs that
had Xs through the faces in some cases. His mother explained
that they were photographs of relatives killed during the war.
That revelation began a process of self-discovery that was to
eventually culminate in him dropping his studies for the
priesthood and becoming a volunteer for the Justice Department
division that tracks down Nazis in America.
The organizations did a magnificent job in helping the new
arrivals. It was not easy to help 140,000 people adapt and it
involved an incredible network, at the same time competing with
the newly emerging State of Israel for scarce funds.
* * *
The story of the survivors is not a story of remarkable people.
It is a story of how remarkable people can be and there is a
difference between the two. What emerged was that human beings
have tremendous capacities for strength and regeneration that are
often not called into play, but when they are called into play
people somehow seem to find the strength to do so.
The Rambam says that in order to conquer a tendency to be cheap
one should be very generous for a while. We have been very
cheap. All we have focused on until now is the negative. This
study is not a celebration of the survivors. Thousands and
thousands of survivors did not do well in America, but the
majority did. Since there exist over 300 books and articles that
talk about how badly they did, we ought to have at least one that
talks to some extent about how well they did. The survivors had
many problems, but they did far better than the literature today
suggests.
* * *
William Helmreich is Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at
CUNY Graduate Center and City College of New York. His book on
Holocaust survivors will be published this spring by Summit Books
(Simon & Schuster). This Jerusalem Letter is based on his
presentaton at the Jerusalem Center Fellows Forum.
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